Hershey: Idea Group Publishing. Steele, C. American Psychologist, 52 6 , What is Gendered Innovations? Avoiding Stereotypes 1. Find out about actual people and practices—across classes, regions, educational backgrounds, etc.
Consider both the structural and cultural mechanisms by which gender divisions and inequalities are often sustained. Doing so can reveal fertile spaces for creative, gender-sensitive innovation—innovation capable of driving scientific and technological progress and at the same time improving gender equality.
Stereotype Threat Stereotypes can adversely affect performance. It is probably true to say that every ethnic group has racial stereotypes of other groups. There is no evidence for this view, however, and many writers argue that it is merely a way of justifying racist attitudes and behaviors. Aim : To investigate the stereotypical attitudes of Americans towards different races.
Method : Questionnaire method was used to investigate stereotypes. American university students were given a list of nationalities and ethnic groups e. Irish, Germans etc. They were asked to pick out five or six traits which they thought were typical of each group. Results : There was considerable agreement in the traits selected. White Americans, for example, were seen as industrious, progressive and ambitious. African Americans were seen as lazy, ignorant and musical. Participants were quite ready to rate ethnic groups with whom they had no personal contact.
Conclusion : Ethnic stereotypes are widespread, and shared by members of a particular social group. The Katz and Braly studies were done in the s and it can be argued that cultures have changed since then and we are much less likely to hold these stereotypes.
Later studies conducted in and found changes in the stereotypes and the extent to which they are held. In general, stereotypes in the later study tended to be more positive but the belief that particular ethnic groups held particular characteristics still existed. Perhaps you then tried to get past these beliefs and to react to the person more on the basis of his or her individual characteristics.
And yet, despite our best intentions, we may end up making friends only with people who are similar to us and perhaps even avoiding people whom we see as different. In this chapter, we will study the processes by which we develop, maintain, and make use of our stereotypes and our prejudices.
We will consider the negative outcomes of those beliefs on the targets of our perceptions, and we will consider ways that we might be able to change those beliefs, or at least help us stop acting upon them.
Correll, J. The influence of stereotypes on decisions to shoot. European Journal of Social Psychology, 37 6 , — Across the thin blue line: Police officers and racial bias in the decision to shoot.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92 6 , — Cunningham, G. The LGBT advantage: Examining the relationship among sexual orientation diversity, diversity strategy, and performance. Sport Management Review, 14 4 , Fiske, S. Stereotypes and prejudice create workplace discrimination.
Brief Ed. Jackson, L. The psychology of prejudice: From attitudes to social action. Mannix, E. Yet, a closer look at the data shows counter-evidence. Also both the percentages and the chosen attributes changed over time.
Also the stereotypes generally tended to become more positive over time. The notion of implicit stereotypes is built on two key theoretical concepts: associative networks in semantic knowledge memory and automatic activation. Concepts in semantic memory are assumed to be linked together in terms of an associative network, with associated concepts having stronger links, or are closer together, than unrelated concepts Collins and Loftus, Related concepts cluster together, such as hospital, doctor, nurse, patient, ward, orderly, operating theatre, and so forth, in a local network Payne and Cameron, that is sometimes referred to as a schema Ghosh and Gilboa, ; see Hinton, Considerable amount of research has been undertaken on the nature of semantic association, which reflects subjective experience as well as linguistic similarity, although people appear to organize their semantic knowledge in similar ways to others.
Weakly associated concepts may be activated by spreading activation based on thematic association, and the complexity of the structure of associations develops over time and experience De Deyne et al. The spreading activation of one concept to another was viewed as occurring unconsciously or automatically.
In the mids a distinction was made between two forms of mental processing: conscious or controlled processing and automatic processing Shiffrin and Schneider, Conscious processing involves attentional resources and can be employed flexibly and deal with novelty. However, it requires motivation and takes time to operate, which can lead to relatively slow serial processing of information. Automatic processing operates outside of attention, occurs rapidly and involves parallel processing.
However, it tends to be inflexible and to a high degree uncontrollable. Kahneman refers to these as System 2 and System 1, respectively.
Shiffrin and Schneider found that detecting a letter among numbers could be undertaken rapidly and effortlessly, implying the automatic detection of the categorical differences of letters and numbers. Detecting items from a group of target letters among a second group of background letters took time and concentration, requiring conscious attentional processing. However, novel associations of certain letters as targets and other letters as background could be learnt by extensive practice as long as the associations were consistent targets were never used as background letters.
Thus, consistency of experience practice can lead to new automatically activated learnt associations. However, when Shiffrin and Schneider switched the targets and background letters after thousands of consistent trials, performance dropped to well below the initial levels—detection times were extremely slow requiring conscious attention as participants struggled with the automatic activation of the old-but-now-incorrect targets.
Slowly, and with additional practice of thousands of trials, performance gradually improved with the new configuration of target and background letters. This was demonstrated by Devine White participants were asked to generate the features of the Black stereotype, and also to complete a prejudice questionnaire. Devine found that both the low- and high-prejudiced individuals knew the characteristics of the Black stereotype. In the next phase of the study the participants rated the hostility of a person only referred to as Donald, described in a sentence paragraph as performing ambiguously hostile behaviours such as demanding his money back on something he had just bought in a store.
Before the description, words related to the Black stereotype were rapidly displayed on the screen but too briefly to be consciously recognized. Finally, the participants were asked to anonymously list their own views of Black people. Devine explained these results by arguing that, during socialization, members of a culture learn the beliefs existing in that culture concerning different social groups.
Owing to their frequency of occurrence, stereotypical associations about people from the stereotyped group become firmly-established in memory. Owing to their widespread existence in society, more-or-less everyone in the culture, even the non-prejudiced individual, has the implicit stereotypical associations available in semantic memory. However, people whose personal beliefs reject prejudice and discrimination may seek to consciously inhibit the effect of the stereotype in their thoughts and behaviour.
Unfortunately, as described above, conscious processing requires the allocation of attentional resources and so the influence of an automatically activated stereotype may only be inhibited if the person is both aware of its potential bias on activation and is motivated to allocate the time and effort to suppress it and replace it in their decision-making with an intentional non-stereotypical judgement.
Yet, Devine and Monteith argued that they can be consciously suppressed when a non-prejudiced perception is sought. Also an implicit stereotype is only automatically activated when the group member is perceived in terms of a particular social meaning Macrae et al. Devine and Sharp argued that conscious and automatic activation are not mutually exclusive but in social perception there is an interplay between the two processes.
Indeed, Devine and Sharp argued that a range of situational factors and individual differences can affect automatic stereotype activation, and conscious control can suppress their effects on social perception. Greenwald and Banaji called for the greater use of indirect measures of implicit cognition to demonstrate the effect of activation outside of the conscious control of the perceiver. Thus, they concluded that the indirect reaction time measure was identifying an implicit stereotype effect.
Consequently, Greenwald et al. This word-association reaction time test presents pairs of words in a sequence of trials over five stages, with each stage examining the reaction time to different combinations of word pairings. From the results at the different stages, the reaction time to various word associations can be examined. The results have been quite dramatic. The subsequent use of the IAT has consistently demonstrated implicit stereotyping for a range of different social categories, particularly gender and ethnicity Greenwald et al.
Implicit stereotyping is now viewed as one aspect of implicit social cognition that is involved in a range of social judgements Payne and Gawronski, Criticisms of the findings of the IAT have questioned whether it is actually identifying a specific unconscious prejudice, unrelated to conscious judgement Oswald et al. In support of the IAT, Greenwald et al. As a consequence, if implicit stereotyping indicates a potentially-uncontrollable cognitive bias, the question then arises as to how to deal with the outcomes of it in decision-making, particularly for a person genuinely striving for a non-prejudiced judgement.
Overt prejudice has been tackled by a range of socio-political measures from anti-discrimination laws to employment interviewer training, but interventions essentially seek to persuade or compel individuals to consciously act in a non-prejudiced way.
Lai et al. Different interventions had different effects on the implicit stereotype as measured by the IAT. For example, a vivid counter-stereotypical example which the participants read —imagining walking alone at night and being violently assaulted by a White man and rescued by a Black man—was quite effective.
However, of the nine interventions examined by Lai et al. The authors concluded that, while implicit associations were malleable in the short term, these brief interventions had no long term effect. This could indicate that implicit stereotypes are firmly established and may only be responsive to intensive and long-term interventions Devine et al.
Law Professor Krieger argued that lawmakers and lawyers should take account of psychological explanations of implicit bias in their judgements. For example, in a study by Cameron et al. When this discrimination was presented as resulting from an unconscious bias, that the employer was unaware of, then the personal responsibility for the discrimination was viewed as lower by the participants. This also has potential legal significance Krieger and Fiske, , as the law has traditionally assumed that a discriminatory act is the responsibility of the individual undertaking that act, with the assumption of an underlying discriminatory motivation an intention.
The effect of an implicit stereotype bias may be a discriminatory action that the individual neither intended nor was conscious of. Implicit stereotype bias provides a challenge to the individual as the sole source and cause of their thoughts and actions.
In a huge study of over two hundred thousand participants, all citizens of the USA, Axt et al. Whilst participants showed in-group favouritism, consistent hierarchies of the social groups emerged in their response times.
For ethnicity, in terms of positivity of evaluation, Whites were highest, followed by Asians, Blacks and Hispanics, with the same order obtained from participants from each of the ethnic groups.
For religion, a consistent order of Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism and Islam was produced. For the age study, positive evaluations were associated with youth, with a consistent order of children, young adults, middle-aged adults, and old adults, across participants of all ages, from their teens to their sixties.
Axt et al. It is this issue that is now considered here. Implicit stereotypes are referred to in the literature, and taught to psychology students, as a cognitive bias Fiske and Taylor, When, in the past, only a specific group of people were assumed to stereotype such as authoritarians or the cognitively simple then they could be viewed as biased in terms of the liberal views of the rest of the population. Indeed, some psychologists who the reader rightly infers to be supporters of egalitarian values are willing to reveal examples of their inadvertent use of implicit stereotypes in their own lives—to their chagrin for example, Stainton Rogers, : Now the assumption is that implicit stereotypes can affect everyone.
There also arises the question of how an unbiased judgement can be defined. This idea of an implicit stereotype as a cognitive bias is challenged here. A wheel is said to be biased if it wobbles on an axle when others do not. Different cultures—as nation states—have different belief systems that are conventionalised into different national legal systems, with dynamically changing laws.
Recently, the psychologist Haidt has examined the difference between liberals and conservatives in the USA in terms of their moral foundations. Furthermore, not all implicit stereotypes have the same cultural value. Both associations are overgeneralisations and can be labelled as stereotypes. Yet there is no large body of psychological research challenging the stereotype of the creative artist.
This is because the two associations differ significantly in their socio-cultural and political meaning. The latter presents a representation of women common in the past which is no longer acceptable in a modern liberal democracy where generations of women have politically fought hard to overcome discrimination and achieve equality.
Not surprisingly, the majority of the research into stereotyping in the psychological literature has focused on very specific topics: ethnicity or race, gender, sexuality, disability and age. These are all critical issues in the political debates during the last century in Western societies, particularly the USA.
Conventional views about these social groups have also undertaken radical change in line with the greater concerns about reducing discrimination and promoting equality. As a result the common views and associated descriptive terminology of only a past generation or two are now socially unacceptable and often illegal. These topics continue to be of significance in an ongoing political discussion about anti-discrimination and equality in modern Western democracies.
Finally, human cognitive abilities have evolved for a purpose, and implicit associations guiding rapid decision-making have a survival benefit. Fox argued that this form of pre-judgement rather than culturally based intergroup prejudices has evolutionary value. Indeed, Todd et al.
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